Mogadishu (Sunatimes) The communiqué of February 23
Conference on Somalia, dominated by the International Contact Group (ICG) and
the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia fell far short of all expectations.
The promised new approach or step-change by the British leaders to tackle the
root causes of insecurity and lack of functional government responsible for the
inexorable decline of 20 years in Somalia did not materialize. Concretely,
nothing in the communiqué responds to the solution of the well described
dreadful situation in Somalia, a country suffering for wars and natural
disasters. The reason is a matter of conjecture.
The communiqué listed operational tasks before a
national polity capable of pursuing the interests of the Somali people is in
place. This means that South Central
Somalia became subject to the alien paradigm of Prof Stephen D. Krasner, who in
his paper titled “troubled societies, outlaw states and gradations of
sovereignty” argued that alternative institutional arrangements, such as
trusteeship and shared sovereignty must be legitimized if international threats
are to be reduced and the prospects for individuals in troubled societies
improved. This view seems operationalized through the New Deal of Engagement
with Fragile States adopted by the Conference.
In blatant contradiction to the statement that
“decisions on Somalia’s future rest with the Somali people,” which is true, the
London conference decided for Somalia and stripped Somalia of its
indivisibility, sovereignty and polity. The participation of the conference by
several delegations from Somalia for the absence of a national leader who
represents the voice of Somalia before the international community did undercut
Somalia’s common cause. The invitation of the ousted Speaker Sharif Hassan
Sheikh Adan under Ethiopian pressure was also a snub to large segment of the
Somali population and show of Ethiopia’s veto power over Somalia.
The Communiqué, released before the conference took
place, failed to take into consideration most of the suggestions made by
members of the Somali communities, of the opinions of many international
leaders like Mary Robinson who emphasized the humanitarian consideration over
military actions and President Ismail Omar Ghelle who strongly advocated for
the top priority of funding Somali forces over AMISOM forces, of the Guardian
editorial strongly suggesting the consideration for disengagement and of other
international experts.
With political mastery, to deflect any criticism from
the humanitarian activists, UK addressed AMISOM funding outside the conference.
On Feb 22, it has pushed through the UN Security Council a resolution that
increased AMISOM forces from 12,000 to 17, 731 with the annual budget of $ 550
million. Reimbursement for lost or destroyed equipment during the fighting is
extra budget. Kenya complains about the rejection of $ 10 million requested for
its navy while it received from UK $ 15 million with no string attached. The
humanitarian assistance offered during the conference could be intended to
mitigate the expected human disaster due to the escalation of military
operations in Somalia.
The communiqué ignored to reaffirm the territorial
integrity, sovereignty and unity of Somalia. Also, it remained silent about the
illegal fishing and dumping of toxic off the Somali coast, the indiscriminate
shelling and killing of civilians by UN supported forces and the frequent
Ethiopian military incursions into Somalia.
Out of the 26 paragraphs of the communiqué, only 7
paragraphs contain new information. The important tasks spelled out in these
paragraphs are the followings:
1. Endorsement of
the unpopular UNPOS political process based on making new constitution in the
midst of civil war, regional secessions, social distrust and foreign
interventions. The constituencies of the new constitution are not defined. The
Switzerland government is the major backer of the new federal constitution.
This is unprecedented political misjudgment.
2. End of the
Transitional Federal Institutions in August 20, 2012. The communiqué leaves out
what will follow but the list of activities detailed in it foretells a standby
arrangement.
3. Introduction
of parallel Somali political processes at the national and local levels. It is
not clear the relationship between these two parallel processes.
4. Establishment
of a New Stability Fund. Local areas will be supported based on the new deal
for engagement with fragile states recently adopted in Busan and on the
stabilization strategies prepared by both IGAD and TFG.
5. Confirmation
that Somaliland is not part of Somalia or of TFG. On February 23, 2012, Somalia
ended to exist internationally.Over the
next three years, Somaliland will receive directly from UK about £105 million
for promoting prosperity, tackling poverty and consolidating progress on
stability and democracy.
6. Adherence to
shady agreements like Djibouti Agreement, Kampala Accord, Roadmap and Garowe
principles I and II. These agreements violate the Transitional Federal Charter
and obstruct genuine political process.
7. Establishment
of a Joint Financial Management Board (JFMB) in conflict with the Transitional
Federal Charter and any national Constitution. JFMB reinforces the lack of
transparency and accountability because Board members are foreigners.
International and domestic resources are regulated by different rules and
principles. French Republic, United Kingdom, European Union and the World Bank
are the initial members of JFMB. The President, the Prime Minister and the
Minister of finance of the TFG will initially represent the TFG on the JFMB.
This arrangement violates the Somali constitution and domestic laws. JFMB will
usurp the establishment of the offices of the Ministry of Finance, Accountant
General, Central Bank and Auditor General. JFMB operates only in South Central
Somalia. A functional government can fight corruption.
8. Commitment to
support the Regional Maritime Capacity Building Initiatives. Somalis are not
aware any of these initiatives developed and funded for European maritime
security.
9. Establishment
of a Regional Anti Piracy prosecutions and intelligence coordination centre in
the Seychelles for Somali Citizens. From this plan transpires the time-span
assumed for the continuation of the Somali crisis.
10. Implementation
of the Financial Action Tasks Force’s recommendations on Combating Money
Laundering and the Financing of Terrorism. Without having responsible
functional Somali Government in place, this decision could endanger the lives
of millions of Somalis for suspicion or precautious justifications.
11. Collaboration
with the Global Counter Terrorism Forum and other international and regional
bodies.
12. Implementation
of Mogadishu Recovery and Stabilization plan. This is very much needed plan but
it could be used against national needs and goals.
13. Implementation
of Djibouti Code of Conduct and Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Somalia as the
most failed state in the world lacks the authority and capacity to implement
this responsibility.
14. Establishment
of a “Core Group of Engaged Countries” that would drive progress in support of
UN, AU and IGAD efforts.
Some of the unanticipated issues in the communiqué are
the pre-concluded anti-piracy agreement between UK, Seychelles and Somaliland,
the revival of EEZ issue overwhelmingly rejected by the federal parliament, the
quick approval of the increase of the AMISOM forces with their financial
support before conference, the concession for the secession of Somaliland and
the formation of the core group of engaged countries responsible on Somalia in
the foreseeable future. The Somali people are oblivious to the substance and
meaning of the plans and programs decided on their behalf by the International
Community and written in English. The wide gap of information, needs and
interests between the international community and the Somali people will erode
public confidence and support critically needed as precondition for Somalia’s
prospect for peace and stability.
Somalia’s socio-political problems, culture and
experience are significantly different from many failed states. Yet, it shares
with them the fundamental need for governance. My expectation from the London
Conference was a focus on strategic measures to rebuild Somalia’s failed state
at national and local levels throughout Somalia on the basis of new approach
which encompasses the following four points:
1. Change of the
current failed strategy of IGAD/UNPOS with its attendant constructs like
Kampala Accord, Djibouti Agreement, the Roadmap, Garowe Principles, and Addis
Ababa Agreement between Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama and TFG.
2. Call for the
appointment by the Security Council of powerful, credible international leader
with transparent political agenda for State building in Somalia.
3. Call for
Somali National Accord which deals with reconciliation, peace and State
formation in Somalia as the mandate of the Transitional Federal Institutions
must end on August 20, 2012.
4. Pledge for the disbursement of at least 10 billion dollars in the next 4 years specifically for State Building. Humanitarian assistance will decrease as peace and hope expands.
Divided Somalia into fiefdoms enters another era beyond its control. Nevertheless, there is always hope for better future.
Mr. Mohamud M Uluso
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London Conference stripped Somalia of its indivisibility, sovereignty and polity
The communiqué ignored to reaffirm the territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity of Somalia. Also, it remained silent about the illegal fishing and dumping of toxic off the Somali coast, the indiscriminate shelling and killing of civi