Subject: The London
conference on Somalia (23 February 2012;Hon Minister, We the Forum for Foreign
Relations of the recently established Khaatumo State of Somalia, based on the
northern regions of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn regions (SSC) in NW Somalia (former
British Somaliland) would like from the outset to thank you, and, through you,
the British Government for organising this conference. We are already indebted
to Great Britain for its unrivalled generosity to the Somali people since the
collapse of the Somali State. Today, Britain hosts the largest Somali diaspora
anywhere in the world whose remittances are the only source of income for tens
of thousands of Somalis who would otherwise have perished. We hope that
Britain’s initiative to hold this conference, even if belated, may all the same
be the one that finally finds a solution for Somalia’s long-drawn out political
and security problems.
Turning to the London
conference, we consider the topics selected for the conference as ones that
strike a deep chord with most Somalis who care about their country. While some issues are of
particular importance for the outside world, such as those relating to
security, terrorism and piracy, others, such as the political process and local
stability, are of greater interest to us as Somalis (and no less to the
international community) since they are the bedrock on which rests the
emergence of a functioning national government or regional authorities that
could shoulder their respective responsibilities for security, terrorism,
piracy, etc.
As such, unless progress
is made on these key areas- the political process and local stability- we
believe that the international community is unlikely to find sustainable
solutions to the problems of piracy, terrorism, religious extremism and
recurring humanitarian crisis. Given the interdependence among these issues, we
are pleased that the conference had adopted a holistic approach towards
addressing them.
However, progress on the
political process in Somalia at the national level would not be achieved unless
the prevailing local instabilities at the regional levels involving clan
conflicts are first resolved. The only such major clan-related conflict in
Somalia at the moment is the one raging in NW Somalia (Somaliland) between the
Isaaq clan dominating the secessionist government based in Hargeisa and the
unionist Dhulbahante clan hailing from the SSC regions.
The fundamental problem
between the secessionist clan and the others is not solely over their
irreconcilable differences on Somalia’s unity per se. Rather, the all
encompassing and paramount principle that divides them, and which the unionist
Khaatumo State and others are defending, is their inalienable right to
self-determination and specifically their God given right to decide for
themselves their destiny. What the secessionist clan has done and continue to
do is to flagrantly trample on these regions rights to self-determination, occupy
their regions and force them to join their secession. This is unacceptable and
it is the cause for the on-going conflict in NW Somalia (Somaliland). Unless
resolved, it is bound to escalate into a wider regional conflagration as other
clans related to one side or the other take sides. This could scupper any
progress made on the other areas of concern to the London Conference.
A brief reminder of the
background to the present crisis in the NW region of Somalia (Somaliland) is
necessary in order to see the current situation in its right setting. It begins
with the collapse of the Somali State in
January 1991. All the clans in Somalia except one have remained unwavering all
these years in their commitment to the territorial unity of Somalia. The
exception is the Isaaq clan who unilaterally declared the secession of the NW
region (former British Somaliland) from Somalia, which they named “Somaliland”,
an act opposed by the other four unionist clans in the territory.
As part of implementing
this secession, the mainly Isaaq militia of Somaliland, making full use of the
massive arsenal left behind by the disintegrated Somali national army,
initially captured the western Awdal region inhabited by the unionist
Gadabuursi and Isse clans. Though left alone for a number years, the unionist
Dhulbahante and Warsangeli clans in the SSC regions, fearing possible invasion
from Somaliland, entered into a defensive alliance with their fellow
Harti/Darood clans in the NE Somalia to form the Puntland State of Somalia in
August 1998.
This alliance among the
Puntland (Harti/Darood) clans has for some years deterred Somaliland but in the
end it invaded and occupied Lascanod, the SSC capital, in October 2007, taking
advantage of Puntland government’s indifference to the defence of this city or
the rest of the SSC. Somaliland thereafter claimed it had control over the
whole former British Somaliland, though in reality only partially.
Though uprisings in
Lascanod against Somaliland’s occupation has been intermittent since the city
was captured, little of this has filtered to the outside world given the area
is landlocked and subject to communication blackouts imposed by the occupiers.
Since then, much water has flowed under the bridge and the current situation in
the Khaatumo State is one of open warfare between the Isaaq clan (Somaliland)
and the SSC people now belonging to the newly established Khaatumo State of
Somalia. This is where we are now.
Following in the footsteps
of the Gadabuursi and Warsangeli clans, who earlier established their own
regional States of Somalia, the Dhulbahante clan in the SSC regions in their
turn created their Khaatumo State of Somalia at a clan conference held in the
famous fort of Taleex on January 2012. This development more than anything else
has sounded the death knell for the aspirations of Somaliland’s secession and
for good reasons. The Khaatumo State is contiguous with the rest of Somalia and
Ethiopia, and, more worryingly for Somaliland, can get moral and material
support from the Darood clans in Puntland, the rest of Somalia and also in the
Ogaden of Ethiopia. As such, a Khaatumo State that is free from Somaliland’s
occupation is inevitable, ensuring the continuation of the unity between
southern and northern Somalia and ushering the demise of the secession
The new State was welcomed
not only by these Darood clans but also the TFG and the rest of the Somali
people everywhere other than the Isaaq. Somaliland’s response to these
unfavourable developments was to launch successive all-out attacks on Buuhoodle,
the second largest town in the Khaatumo State, with a view to nipping this
nascent regional State in the bud. These attacks were however crushed by the
SSC civilian defenders. While there is a lull in the fighting now and then,
these are used by Somaliland to regroup and re-supply their forces isolated in
the heart of the SSC.
The longer Somaliland
continues to use force to maintain its occupation of Lascanod and resorts to
futile military operations to bring Buuhoodle under its control, the more likely
that other Darood clans get sucked into the conflict. Al Shabaab, who will not hesitate to fish in
troubled waters, may also join the fray. The best way to prevent a spiralling
conflict and concomitant instability in this region is for Somaliland to accept
to live in peace with its neighbours, to renounce the secession and the use of
force as its main instrument of hegemony over other clans.
Somaliland (i.e.Isaaq
clan) and its leaders have for long deluded themselves that an international
community despairing of the endless turmoil in southern Somalia will eventually
recognise them as the only viable and functioning area where peace and a
modicum of governance prevail. Above all, there is a self-serving make-believe
among the clan at every level that Great Britain, which they perceive, rightly
or wrongly, as having closer relationship with them than any other clan, will
eventually recognise them when the right moment arises. The London conference
would be a fitting place where Great Britain should reaffirm to the people of
Somalia its commitment to Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. That
would dispel the delusions of the clan as well the lingering distrust of other
Somalis about Britain’s good faith, a legacy of its historical role in the carve-up
of the Somali homeland in the Horn.
Turning to the
participation of the conference from the Somali side, we notice that only
representatives form the TFG and several regional authorities have so far been
invited to attend. However, if the participation at the conference is to seen
as equitable and representative of Somalia, the minimum requirement is that all
the established regional states from southern and northern Somalia are invited
on equal footing. In this respect, we urge that the newly established Khaatumo
State, representing the three regions of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn(SSC) of Somalia,
be invited.
In the event that the
Khaatumo State (and other States from NW Somalia) is not present at the
conference, the British government and other participants from governments and
international organisations should know that the representatives from
Somaliland are only representing and speaking for their own clan and not for
other regions and clans. Not only do the four unionist clans have nothing to do
with the secession of this renegade entity but the wider international
community, as represented at this conference, consider these unionist in NW
regions as part and parcel of Somalia. It is incumbent upon the conference, and
particularly the host country, to make that position clear to Somaliland.
Please accept, Hon
Minister, the assurances of my highest consideration.
Osman Hassan
Chairman, Foreign
Relations Forum
Khaatumo State of Somalia
Geneva
Email: [email protected]
CC: His Excellency Matt Baugh
British Ambassador to
Somalia
Copyright © 2009 - 2024 Sunatimes News Agency All Rights Reserved. |
Home | About Us | Diinta | Reports | Latest News | Featured Items | Articles | Suna Radio | Suna TV | Contact Us |
An Open Letter to: Hon Henry Bellingham, Minister for Africa Foreign & Commonwealth Office-
Turning to the participation of the conference from the Somali side, we notice that only representatives form the TFG and several regional authorities have so far been invited to attend. However, if the participation at the conference is to seen as e