Mogadishu
(Sunatimes) After seven years, the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs)
that formed the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG) have
irreversibly morphed into the property of three venal leaders used by foreign
powers, particularly Ethiopia. Today, TFI leaders speak and act only for
compliance with foreign power dictates and for their personal political
interests. In Q & A session moderated by Universal TV in collaboration with
the Center for Research and Dialogue (CRD),[1]President Sheikh Sharif tried to justify this contemptible situation and stated
that the United Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) did not consult
with TFG on the Roadmap and did not give time to review the list of
participants of the conference. Yet, he said, “he had no choice but to go with
the flow, so he would not be blamed as peace spoiler” and candidate for
removal from office. That self preservation and pecuniary consideration is
why TFIs leaders are sycophant defenders and spokesmen of foreign powers
contrary to the ethos of political leaders of sovereign country. All these have
made the TFIs as private Institutions with no accountability to the people of
Somalia. Venal TFI’s leaders shouldn’t be allowed to privatize Somalia’s
sovereignty.
Before the
publicly opposed Roadmap and the Garowe Document labeled “Garowe Principles” have formalized the
official transformation of TFIs into privately owned Institutions, there were
series of political events which led to the present reality. The key events for
the personalization of political power in Somalia are the Aden
Declaration between President Abdullahi Yusuf and Speaker Sharif
Hassan, the Baidoa Agreements between President Abdullahi Yusuf
and his Prime Ministers- Prof Ali Mohamed Ghedi and Col. Nur Hassan Hussein
a.k.a. Nur Adde, the Addis Ababa Agreement between TFG and Ahlu
Sunna Wal Jama, the ignoble 2008 Djibouti Agreement between TFG
and Alliance for Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS), which unconstitutionally
extended TFG term, inflated the Somali parliament from 275 to 550 MPs and
ushered in President Sheikh Sharif, the Galkaio and Nairobi Agreementsbetween TFG and Puntland, the Kampala Accord between President
Sheikh Sharif and Speaker Sharif Hassan. All those agreements were contrary to
the spirit and letter of the Transitional Federal Charter (TFC) and detrimental
to the unity and harmony of the Somali society. Now the reform of parliament
from 550 to 225 MPs is seen as major achievement while the layoff of 325 MPs
without proper deliberation would be a real nightmare for the internal politics
of Somalia. It is travesty to entrust with the failed leaders the
responsibility of both ending the TFG transition period and starting a new one.
Ethiopia was the
architect and key player of all those events. The 2002-2004 Somalia’s peace
process in Kenya was its groundwork to thwart any effort of rebuilding a
sovereign State in Somalia. In that process, Ethiopia appropriated the approval
power of Somali political leadership. It became the sole interpreter and
arbitrator of any dispute within the TFIs. Contrary to the public statements,
diplomatic, military and intelligent officers of Ethiopia assigned to keep in
line TFIs leaders whisper and divulgeamong Somalis fabricated messages of misdirection, intimidation,
promises, and confusion for chaos, mistrust and control. Hence, it is foolish to believe that
Ethiopia, a country governed with tyrannical violence, would help Somalia to
enjoy reconciliation, freedom, justices, and democratic values. Former US
Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in 1991, Ambassador Herman
Cohen, who facilitated the victory of Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)
led by PM Meles Zenawi over the Derg Regime of Col Mengistu Haile Mariam in
1991, said days ago that present regime of Meles is no different from the Derg
military of Mengistu. This is an indicting judgment against PM Meles
leadership.[2]
The regime of PM
Meles Zenawi firmly operates on the belief thatSomalis lack sense of nationalistic culture and their politics is solely
and exclusively based on clan logic.[3]Based on this settled view, the regime suggests that it is enough to ask the
clan affiliation of any Somali to understand his or her political interests and
preferences. To proof that point, Ethiopia pushes the imposition of federal or
confederate system of governance based on clans (building blocks) on Somalia.
It also instigates the creation of clan states, groups and conferences like the
Taleh (Dhulbahante) Conference. For malicious purpose, it argues in the
international diplomatic circles that since Sheikh Hassan opposes Sheikh
Sharif, the Ayr/Habar Gedir sub clan opposes Abgal/Mudullod purely on clan
allegiance to Sheikh Hassan and by extension Ayr/Habar Gedir is guilt by association
with Al Shabab. On the other hand, It has shortchanged politically and
militarily the Ayr/Habar Gedir forces fighting against Al Shabab in Galgudud
and other places for its ulterior political motives. The vehement creation of
scary boogeyman called Ayr/Habar Gedir sub clan for cover up of Ethiopia’s
hegemonic interests in Somalia started with the Djibouti peace process and the
election of President Abdulqasim Hassan. Ethiopian Ambassador to UK, Berhanu
Kebede made that strategy public in his
letter to Guardian on May 2, 2007.[4] Therefore,
the clan exploitation by Ethiopia for hegemonic goal is part of Somalia
conflict drivers.
Former
Somaliland Ambassador to Ethiopia, Mohamed Sheikh Hassan[5] has revealed that Ethiopia’s single interest
in Somaliland was centered on the capturing or “kidnapping” of dissident
elements for security claims. That kind of relationship exists between Puntland
and Ethiopia. TFG and other Somali entities are all satellites of Ethiopia. It
is reasonable to assume that the International Community’s decision to support
financially and diplomatically Ethiopia’s strategy towards Somalia and the
overriding consideration of the persecution of war on terror over Somalia’s
political necessity would prolong Somalia’s instability, depopulation and
social poverty.
To maintain
Ethiopia’s exclusive control over Somalia, on December 23, 2011, PM Meles met
with a joint US delegation from State and Defense Departments led by Mr. Karl
Wycoff, deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs and requested support on the following positions:
(1) That IGAD and AU are the foundation for Somalia; (2) That “proliferation
of international initiatives or ad hoc efforts” must be avoided. Every
initiative must first be cleared with IGAD for endorsement. (3) That Eritrea
should be isolated and punished for its destabilization of Somalia; (4) That
Somali people and TFG are required to focus on the implementation of the ‘rejected’
roadmap because it is the only viable solution; (5) That Humanitarian and
logistical Assistance for the people of Somalia and for the TFG must be
harmonized with the regional packages and international procedures. According
to Ethiopia, the delegation expressed the readiness of US Administration to
work closely with IGAD on theabovementioned positions. This US commitment conceded for its role of
strategic partner in the region would embolden the Ethiopian interferences in
Somalia and the bullying against
Eritrea.
Any attempt to
reform or extend the life of TFG under the current political arrangement,
controlled by Ethiopia in the name of IGAD is doomed to fail because it is based
on the false political premise of promoting sycophant Somali leaders so Somalia
can be managed directly from Addis Ababa and from donor offices either in
Somalia or in Kenya with the complicity of UN Security Council. The dishonestly
propagated assertion that Somalis can’t agree on anything positive is an
exaggeration and should not be taken as
an excuse for the imposition of externally driven solution. True, the Somalis’
Achilles’ heel is clan mistrust and misuse but at the same time, majority of
Somalis deeply harbor Somali national pride and strongly feel the ability and
possibility to regain their sovereignty and national dignity with honest,
positive and benevolent or at least neutral external influence.
With the
persistence of the current false political premise of clan exploitation and
contradictory foreign objectives, the Somali crisis could continue to
metastasize and adversely affect the international and regional peace and
security. Concerted and coordinated
efforts at international level as well asat national and local levels of Somalia are paramount for beginning to
address the Somali crisis and avoiding further continuation of the present
human catastrophe.
Mr. Mohamud M
Uluso
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Venal TFIs leaders shouldn’t be allowed to privatize Somalia’s sovereignty
Before the publicly opposed Roadmap and the Garowe Document labeled “Garowe Principles” have formalized the official transformation of TFIs into privately owned Institutions,